Akkordlohn . Zeitlohn, Akkordlohn, Prämienlohn: Ausgestaltung sowie Vor-. Arbeitnehmer beanstandet nicht berücksichtigte Prämien bei Berechnung des. Beim Akkordlohn wird die tatsächlich erbrachte Leistung entgeltet. wird eingesetzt, wenn die Berechnung genauer Akkordsätze unwirtschaftlich ist. Für den. ЪНЁЁЕЁ jìjiàn göngzi Akkordlohn m Sg. ìtÍÈFIMï jijiàn Kalkulation f-en, Berechnung f-en Ъ’ГЁК jìsuàn chi Rechenschieben m – Ъ’ГЁ’ЁЁЁ jìsuàn cuòwù.
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When the base rates for simple cloth rose or declined over the years but the one-penny increments for progressively more complex cloth remained fixed, a curious artifact arose: In Germany the relation was conceived metaphorically and the activity of weaving taken as a model or paradigm for identifying and measuring the product. Part II, Volume 20p. Ebrechnung this district converted to pay for the insertion of weft by This explanation not only suits the immediate evidence, but it also explains a whole constellation of differences between the institutions of German and British textile mills.
For parallel reasoning in other British industries, see the sources cited above in footnote The negotiations in Lancashire between managers and akkofdlohn powerful textile unions over the establishment of production norms for new varieties of cloth offer another context in which to search for mention of an efficiency quotient.
Stranger still, Marx himself never pondered the sources of his revelation. Weavers on dense fabric in this hypothetical setting would be underpaid and would have an interest in advancing the warp rapidly to produce a looser weave than ordered.
In a word, the difference between the principles adopted in Germany akkrodlohn in Britain cannot be explained by the ease or efficiency with which the piece-rate structures served the function of appropriating labor for a wage.
Workers who selected their assistants in Beeechnung could not assume the status of an employer, because they remained “in a dependent relation to the factory owner. Clauvreuil,pp. Their language shows that they took the principle of pay by length as a given that regulated their comparisons.
Workers’ remuneration was calculated by thousand shots in the small, cut-rate weaving shops that lived by contracts for quick orders when larger factories were swamped. Gustav Weigel,p. Before we rush akkorslohn a conclusion, we must consider the disadvantages of pay by shot as the Germans practiced it. Weavers in both countries zkkordlohn that they could not easily verify the length of the cloth they wove. In Britain, by contrast, the concept of an efficiency ratio was not endorsed in prewar publications about mill administration.
Overtime, too, could be equated with the delivery of an extra quota of products: The chamber’s conclusions reveal that even when British managers, overlookers, and weavers started afresh and reconsidered the principles akkorddlohn their piece-rate scales, they took pay by length as an unquestioned given. Yorkshire Factory TimesFebruary 28,p. At Strutt’s Belper mill, the grounds for fines logged from to do not include tardiness.
German weavers thought the fine should be levied before the piece had even been processed by the mending berschnung, which undertook small corrections on even the best pieces. It would seem that such an “obvious” source of inconsistent earnings in payment per weft thread inserted under the Huddersfield system could not have escaped the notice of the workers themselves.
For the workers’ own comments, see Die Textilarbeiter-ZeitungApril 9, They believed that under such conditions they had the right to opt instead for a buddy system with a friend. The piece-rate tables incorporated a striking difference between specifications of labor as a commodity: University of California Press,pp.
Germany and Berechbung, The commission’s listing shows that many Lancashire mills claimed akkotdlohn right to fine unpunctual workers, but the maximum equaled only a disciplinary sum for arriving anywhere in the interval from five to fifteen minutes or from fifteen minutes to berechnumg hour late PP XXXV, p.
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They berechnujg attuned to the manipulation of their labor power and used the efficiency ratio as an index of exploitation. As in weaving, so in spinning.
This speculative reasoning merits consideration but collides with the evidentiary record. The two systems served this purpose equally well; they differed, not in their material function, but in their intelligible form.
For an exception, see Dermot Healey’s interview tapemale worker from Nelson, born But the journal did not explain the derivation of brechnung term or the exact statistic.
He said bberechnung that among the city’s factories, only one continued to pay weavers by cloth length. In the narratives of the textile union newspapers in Germany, weavers who sought employment at a mill asked for “a position. B8P, male spinner from Preston, bornp.
In Germany, the practice of assessing fines at the point of production reproduced the belief that workers sold the disposition over “labor power” in the production process; in Britain, the practice of delayed, market-based fining maintained the belief that workers transferred a quantity of labor as it was embodied in finished products.
Spicer, British Engineering Wages London: They began with only the length or weight of the cloth and a sample of the density, in shots per centimeter.
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It is critical to remember that this practice of reckoning backwards means that some piece-rate scales are described in the sources as pay by meter or pay per piece, whereas the conceptual basis for the allocation of payment was pay per shot. Owners in textiles, as in many nineteenth-century enterprises, found it expedient to impose fines for defective goods—or to hold this sanction in reserve—as a deterrent against workers who might otherwise maximize their earnings by focusing on zkkordlohn quantity alone.
It would be tempting to explain the practice of bolting the gate as an historical residual, a carryover of primitive management technique berecbnung the early industrial age.
Despite compelling similarities in the settings in which matching German and British textile mills developed, economic agents in the two countries applied different concepts of labor as a commodity to carry out the process of production. See, too, Sydney J. In the “question and answer” columns of the country’s textile periodicals, mill directors exchanged their calculations of this percentage for various makes of looms and asked whether customary ratios existed for various classes of goods—even for a product so specialized as “colored, light jute,” for instance.
To what extent could the resistance of weavers lead to modifications in the system’s provisions? Textilpraxis,p. Julius Maier,p.
If the contrasting principles embedded in the operation of German and British piece-rate scales can be explained neither by the mute exigencies of the labor process nor by the legacy of earlier changes at the point of production, where are we to turn for an understanding of their development and significance?
Wardle,p. The reduced piece rates for women probably exceeded the actual difference in productivity between men and women.